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Director : Jon Watts.
Writer : John Francis Daley, Jonathan M. Goldstein, Jon Watts, Erik Sommers, Chris McKenna, Christopher D. Ford.
Producer : Kevin Feige, Amy Pascal.
Release : July 5, 2017
Country : Germany, United States of America.
Production Company : Columbia Pictures, Marvel Studios, LStar Capital, Pascal Pictures.
Language : English.
Runtime : 133
Genre : Action, Adventure, Science Fiction.

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Spider-Man: Homecoming (2017) HD

Director : Jon Watts.
Writer : John Francis Daley, Jonathan M. Goldstein, Jon Watts, Erik Sommers, Chris McKenna, Christopher D. Ford.
Producer : Kevin Feige, Amy Pascal.
Release : July 5, 2017
Country : Germany, United States of America.
Production Company : Columbia Pictures, Marvel Studios, LStar Capital, Pascal Pictures.
Language : English.
Runtime : 133
Genre : Action, Adventure, Science Fiction.

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10 Steps to Dictatorship: Why The Grassroots Movement in Haiti Is Taking To the Streets Against President Michel Martelly

by CHARLIE HINTON

Counterpunch:  DECEMBER 17, 2013

10 Steps to Dictatorship in Haiti

At great personal risk Haitians have been demonstrating massively in cities throughout the country for the last several months calling for President Michel Martelly to step down, including September 30 and October 17, dates of important coup d’etats in Haitian history, and November 29, the date of an election day massacre in 1987.

By choosing these historically significant dates, the Haitian grassroots majority is clearly saying they want an end to Martelly and to the 10-year UN military occupation that has followed the coup that overthrew elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide on February 29, 2004. Martelly’s police force brutally broke up some demonstrations with tear gas and beatings.

Demonstrators have reported the police used a very “powerful” gas, which surprised them in its potency and aerial reach.

In late October, students in Cap Haitien, demonstrating to support teachers demanding an increase in pay, were tear gassed so viciously that 60 were injured, 4 seriously.

The next day, students in the State University of Port-au-Prince, demonstrating in support of attorney Andre Michel (see #7 below), were gassed for hours, even after they had been pushed back to their campus. The gassing went on so long that some legislators went on the radio to demand that it be stopped.

On November 6th, lawyers marched in Port-au-Prince demanding an end to threats and harassment for those willing to take on cases involving Martelly’s corruption. They also called for the resignation of the chief prosecutor.

And on November 7th, thousands marched, chanting “Aba Martelly” (Down with Martelly). Haitian police attacked the demonstration with tear gas and beatings. Three people were shot and wounded.

1. Who Is Michel Martelly?  Martelly grew up during the 27 year dictatorship of Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier and his son, Jean Claude “Baby Doc.”  He reportedly joined the Duvalierist death squad, the Tonton Macoutes, at the age of 15, and later attended Haiti’s military academy. Under Baby Doc, Martelly, a popular musician, ran the Garage, a nightclub patronized by army officers and members of Haiti’s tiny ruling class.

After Baby Doc’s fall in February 1986, a mass democratic movement, long repressed by the Duvaliers, burst forth and became known as Lavalas (“flood”), from which emerged Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a popular liberation theology Catholic priest, who was elected president in 1990 with 67% of the vote in the first free and fair election in Haiti’s history.

Martelly quickly became a bitter opponent of Lavalas, attacking the popular movement in his songs played widely on Haitian radio.

Martelly “was closely identified with sympathizers of the 1991 military coup that ousted former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide,” the Miami Herald observed in 1996, and ran with members of the vicious FRAPH death squad from that period, infamous for gang rapes and killing with impunity.

On the day of Aristide’s return to Haiti in 2011, after 8 years of forced exile in South Africa, and two days before the “run-off” election, Martelly was caught in a video on YouTube insulting Aristide and Lavalas: “The Lavalas are so ugly. They smell like s**t. F**k you, Lavalas. F**k you, Jean-Bertrand Aristide.”

2. The Fraudulent Presidential Election of 2010-2011:   In the presidential election cycle of 2010-2011, Haiti’s Electoral Council banned Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas Party from participation, which de-legitimized the whole corrupt process. Voter turnout was less than 25% in the primaries and less than 20% in the “run-off.” The top two candidates announced after the sham primaries were the wife of a former pro-Duvalier president and the son-in-law of Rene Preval, the president at the time. Martelly was declared third, but his supporters demonstrated violently. An OAS commission, with the full support of Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, who flew to Port-au-Prince at the height of the Egyptian revolution, ruled that Martelly had finished second. He received $6 million from an anonymous donor in Florida to hire a PR firm that had worked on the campaigns of Felipe Calderón in Mexico and John McCain in the U.S.

3. Corruption – Corruption scandals have followed Martelly since he refused to divulge who funded his campaign for president.

Bribes – Award-winning Dominican Republic journalist Nuria Piera broke the story in April 2012 (later reported in Time) that Martelly was alleged to have accepted $2.6 million in bribes during and after the 2010 election to ensure that a Dominican construction company would receive contracts under his Presidency.  In addition, the vote to make Laurent Lamothe the Prime Minister is known in Haiti as the “tout moun jwenn vote” (“everyone got their cut” vote).

Surcharge on international calls and money transfers for “education” – Questionable new taxes have also fed controversy. A $1.50 tax on money transfers and a 5 cent per minute tax on phone calls to Haiti are alleged by Martelly to support education, but the poor majority continue to face unaffordable school fees, and critics say no money from this tax has gone to schools. Moreover, Haitian teachers have been marching to demand back pay. Martelly’s new taxes were not ratified by or presented to Haiti’s Parliament, making them illegal.

Travel Expenses – When traveling, which he does often, Martelly’s entourage receives an outrageous per diem from the Haitian government. According to Senator Moise Jean-Charles, Martelly gets $20,000 a day, his wife $10,000 a day, his children $7,500, and others in his inner circle get $4,000 daily.

A plan to establish an illegal parallel customs system to circumvent legislative control – This allegedly involved the selling of a membership card and gun to anyone who wanted to be part of the Martelly gang. The membership privileges included tax-exempt status at customs. The program had to be scratched when US DEA complained about members facilitating drug transport on the strength of their membership.

 4. Rewriting and Undermining Haiti’s Constitution:  The overthrow of Baby Doc in 1986 led to the creation of a new democratic Constitution in 1987, ratified in a referendum by an overwhelming majority of Haitians. It recognized Haitian Kreyol as an official language, along with French, and legalized Vodun, the spiritual practice of the majority of Haitians. It provided for grassroots participation in national decision-making, decentralized the nation’s finances and political structure, and provided for protection of human rights.

On June 12, 2012 Martelly announced new amendments, which concentrate executive power and herald the return of Duvalier-style dictatorship. The new illegally amended Constitution, written by non-legislators, and never seen nor voted by the Parliament prior to its publication creates a top down method of choosing a Permanent Electoral Council to run elections, undermining grassroots participation and centralizing control from above.

It allows the president to appoint the prime minister after merely “consulting” the heads of the two chambers of Parliament instead of requiring Parliamentary ratification. In cases of “presidential vacancy,” the new amendments make the prime minister the provisional president, so presidents can resign, appoint the prime minister to succeed them, and thereby maintain perpetual control.

New amendments provide that a “general budget” and a “general expenditures report” can replace line item annual budgets, thus limiting parliamentary oversight of the budget.

New amendments return Duvalier era and other retrograde laws, including:

* A 1935 law on “superstitious beliefs,” which would ban Vodun once again.

* A 1977 law establishing the Court of State Security to increase state surveillance and repression.

* A 1969 law that condemns all “imported doctrines”, thereby attacking freedom of thought and freedom of association.  Violation of this new law can result in the DEATH PENALTY.  The 1987 Haitian Constitution had eliminated the death penalty.

5. Restoring The Army:  In one of the most popular moves of his administration, President Aristide disbanded the hated Haitian army in 1995. Since the coup that overthrew Aristide for the second time in 2004, UN troops and police, currently numbering 8,754 uniformed personnel, have occupied Haiti. One of Martelly’s campaign promises was to restore the Haitian Army, and now new Haitian troops are being trained by Ecuador and Brazil. In addition, well-armed former military and paramilitary personnel have occupied militia camps since early 2012, supported by Martelly.

6. Return of the Death Squads:  Martelly has issued pink identity cards with a photo for $30 to selected supporters, promising many benefits to those who hold them, like jobs and impunity from prosecution. During the Duvalier period, every Tonton Macoute received a card that provided many privileges, like free merchandise from any store entered, entitlement to coerced sex, and fear and respect from people in general.

Senator John Joel Joseph has identified Senators that he claims are marked for assassination. He identified the people who have been paying the “hit squads” on behalf of Martelly. He denounced one of the men as an escaped criminal who had been caught red handed with a “near death” victim behind his vehicle. Said victim sent the police to a house where two more victims could be found. Senator Joseph identified the leader of the death squad and his vehicle, denouncing the group as the one which recently assassinated a grassroots militant. He accused the president and his wife of pressuring the chief of police to remove the senators’ security detail, in order to facilitate their assassinations. He denounced a previous instance when Martelly tried to pressure former police chief Mario Andresol to integrate a hit-man into the police, to assassinate Senator Moise Jean Charles. 

7. Death of a Judge:  Martelly set up his wife and son as head of governmental projects, but with no parliamentary oversight. A Haitian citizen, Enold Florestal, filed suit with attorney Andre Michel before Judge Jean Serge Joseph, maintaining that the Martellys were siphoning off large amounts of state monies, which the Haitian Senate has no jurisdiction over. Judge Joseph moved the case to the next judicial level, which required depositions from the Martellys and various governmental ministers. Enraged, Martelly and Prime Minister Lamothe called two meetings with the judge (which they deny took place) to demand he kill the case, the second on July 11. The judge drank a beverage offered him at that meeting.

On July 12 Judge Joseph became violently ill and died on July 13. Haitian police arrested Florestal on August 16 after viciously beating him, and Haitian authorities have issued a warrant for the arrest of Attorney Michel, who has gone into hiding. A commission of the Haitian Parliament is now calling for the impeachment of Martelly based on illegal meetings with the judge, interference in legal matters, and threats to those involved in the case.

Since then Enold Florestal and his brother, who’s completely uninvolved with the case, have been arrested and remain in jail. On October 22, police stopped Attorney Andre Michel and demanded to search his car. He refused without a judge present to prevent tampering or planting of evidence. The action quickly turned into a standoff between police forces and a large crowd that was gathered to defend Michel. Michel was eventually summoned to appear in court the next day.

In court the prosecutor told the judge he did not have charges to file, but for Michel to  not leave the courtroom. Several Deputies and Senators who were present whisked Michel out of the courtroom and took him to an unknown location, where he remains at the time of this report.

8. Corrupting the Judiciary and Parliament:  The Martelly regime is working to establish executive control over the judicial system through the use of “controlled” prosecutors and judges. In violation of the constitution, he appointed as Supreme Court chief justice, Anel Alexis Joseph, who is 72. Haitian law says a judge must be 65 or under to be named to this position. The chief justice also leads the commission that regulates the entire judicial system, so Judge Anel Alexis Joseph is using his power to block an investigation into the death of Judge Jean Serge Joseph and to protect Martelly and his henchmen from all legal challenges, thereby granting impunity.

Martelly has also corrupted the legislative branch that could bring charges against members of the executive. He ordered the arrest of Deputy Arnel Belizaire in spite of parliamentary immunity and his legal council’s advice. He has so far failed to call elections for 10 Senate seats in January, and is trying to force the 10 Senators whose terms he says are up (they say in 2015, not 2014) to leave office. Since elections have still not been held for 10 additional seats, if these new 10 seats are vacated, it would leave the 30 member Senate without a quorum, allowing Martelly to dissolve the Parliament and rule by decree.

9. Reactionary Economic Policy:  Martelly enforces the Clinton Bush plan for economic “development” of Haiti through sweatshops, tourism, and the selling of oil and mining rights to transnational corporations. Under this plan, money donated for earthquake relief has been used to build a duty free export manufacturing zone in the north of Haiti, which was not affected by the earthquake, and several luxury hotels in Port-au-Prince. The Clinton Bush Haiti Fund made a $2 million equity investment in a hotel called the Royal Oasis, to give foreign tourists and investors an “oasis” to escape the miserable conditions under which the majority of Haitians live.

At the same time, the Martelly regime viciously represses the economic activities of the poor super majority. The phone and money transfer taxes cut into their incomes. Taxes have been arbitrarily increased on imports, affecting small merchants. Thugs wearing masks have burnt markets in different cities, causing merchants to lose capital they had been accumulating for years, forcing them to raise new capital through usury loans. Street vendors are harassed and removed forcefully, then after hours, their stands are looted.

10. Duvalierism Returns to Haiti:  Martelly warmly welcomed the January, 2011 return to Haiti of Jean Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, one of the most brutal dictators of the 20th century, after his decades of luxurious exile in France. Duvalier still has many supporters in Haiti, some of whom are armed and have a history of killing political opponents.

Martelly’s government is filled with Duvalierists: hardline former Haitian army officer David Bazile is now Interior Minister. Magalie Racine, daughter of notorious former Tonton Macoute militia chief Madame Max Adolphe, is Martelly’s Youth and Sports Minister. Public Works Secretary of State Philippe Cinéas is the son of longtime Duvalierist figure Alix Cinéas, who was a member of the original neo-Duvalierist National Council of Government (CNG) which succeeded Duvalier after his fall in 1986. In addition, Duvalier’s son, Francois Nicolas Jean Claude Duvalier, is a close advisor to Martelly.

Conclusion:  A major objective of the Duvalier dynasty was to institutionalize dictatorship through death squad brutality, supported by the United States and other powers. Martelly is an example of their policies having come to fruition. He’s restoring a government of impunity per the Duvalier era, building an administration of right wing ideologues who believe in dictatorship, and who collaborate to sidestep all legislative and judicial controls.

His goal is to implement extreme neo-liberal economic policies on behalf of Haiti’s less than 1% with control over all natural resources. The people will be at their mercy for factory work and other “subservient” positions, under the boot of a UN occupation force of 8,754 army and police personnel, the beginnings of a restored army, paramilitary training camps, death squads, gangs and mafias that use the cover of the corrupted executive and judicial systems to operate.

The Haitian majority does not accept this return to the bad old days, however, and has been actively and massively protesting this repression for the past year. They deserve the support and solidarity of freedom loving people everywhere.

HAITI ACTION COMMITTEE • www.haitisolidarity.net • action.haiti@gmail.com

 

空包网  单号网

Pétition de l’intelligentsia Kongo à la suite de la tuerie de février et mars 2008 des populations du Bas-Congo…

PETITION DE L’INTELLIGENTSIA KONGO A LA SUITE DE LA TUERIE DE FEVRIER ET MARS 2008 DES POPULATIONS DU BAS-CONGO PAR LES FORCES DE POLICE

I. Condoléances

Au nom de tous les intellectuels Kongo et de tous les esprits épris de paix, de justice et de respect de la personne humaine, nous présentons nos condoléances les plus émues aux familles éprouvées et à toute la Communauté Kongo§ Puissent les âmes de tous ceux de nos frères et sœurs, fauchés par la violence barbare et auxquels nous ne saurons jamais offrir des obsèques dignes, reposer en paix auprès de nos ancêtres glorieux et de tous ceux qui ont payé un prix fort pour notre liberté !

II. Objet

La volonté manifeste du pouvoir de travestir les faits et de manipuler l’opinion nationale et internationale ; la superficialité et la sensiblerie quasi générales de la presse dans le traitement de l’information ; le discours frileux des élus kongo (nationaux et provinciaux) ; l’humiliation, par le pouvoir, de notre peuple présenté désormais à la face du pays, de l’Afrique et du monde comme xénophobe ; la traque, en violation des lois de la République et des droits de l’homme, des membres d’une organisation dont la culpabilité et les chefs d’accusation ne sont nullement bien établis ; enfin, notre responsabilité en tant que conscience de notre peuple nous poussent à prendre, une fois de plus, la plume pour dénoncer et condamner cette nième tuerie des populations du Bas-Congo.

III. Rappel des faits

Face à quelques adeptes de Bundu dia Kongo (BDK) non armés, des forces de police équipés d’armes de guerre, déferlent régulièrement, depuis juillet 2002, à travers la province du Bas-Congo, sous le prétexte de rétablir l’autorité de l’Etat, causant la désolation partout où elles passent. Leur dernier passage dans les territoires de Luozi et de Nseke Mbanza, à Matadi, Kisantu etc. ressemble bien à une véritable expédition punitive dirigée contre, non seulement les adeptes de BDK – même ceux qui n’avaient rien fait de répréhensible-, mais aussi contre tous ceux qui avaient le malheur de se trouver sur leur chemin. A coup de roquettes et d’autres armes de guerre, les maisons ont été détruites et des villages entiers rasés. C’est ainsi que des villages comme Kinsemi (territoire de Luozi, secteur de Mbanza Mwembe), Mbandakani (à côté de la paroisse du même nom), Lufuku (territoire de Luozi, secteur de Kinkenge), ont été totalement détruits. Dans ce déchaînement des forces conditionnées par leurs commanditaires pour tuer, de nombreuses vies humaines ont été fauchées. Plusieurs corps ont été jetés dans le fleuve Congo et d’autres égarés dans la brousse et la forêt ne seront peut-être jamais retrouvés et identifiés. Depuis lors, une véritable chasse à l’homme a été instaurée et l’objectif est, au dire même du Vice-Gouverneur du Bas-Congo, Son Excellence Monsieur Deo Nkusu, d’éradiquer le BDK en occupant ses différents lieux de culte. A Matadi, Kisantu, Lufutoto… les forces de police ont investi ces lieux, semant, dans la foulée, la désolation au sein de la population et des pertes en vies humaines.

IV. Les raisons avancées par le gouvernement

La dernière expédition des forces de la police, particulièrement dans les territoires de Luozi et de Nseke Mbanza se justifie, pour les autorités provinciales et nationales, par la nécessité et l’urgence de restaurer l’autorité de l’Etat bafouée en ces lieux, par le BDK, du fait :

1° tantôt, de sa velléité de rébellion par la tenue des camps d’entraînement militaire et la détention d’armes de guerre ;
2° tantôt, de la mutilation d’une personne accusée de sorcellerie ;
3° tantôt, que les adeptes de ce mouvement politico-religieux chassent, de leurs postes, les agents publics et s’arrogent leurs prérogatives ;
4° tantôt, du non-respect par ses adeptes de l’hymne et du drapeau du pays ;
5° tantôt, de la xénophobie et de l’antichristianisme de ses adeptes ;
6° tantôt, de la déclaration de ne Muanda Nsemi, à RFI, sur la non pertinence des frontières héritées de la colonisation et de la nécessité pour l’Afrique centrale de se constituer en une confédération des Etats fondés sur l’homogénéité culturelle.

V. Notre appréciation de la situation

1. C’est depuis le gouvernorat de l’Honorable Jacques Mbadu Nsitu, qu’avec forte médiatisation, le BDK est accusé de tenir des camps d’entraînement militaire et de détenir des armes de guerre. Et pourtant aucun camp d’entraînement et aucune arme de guerre n’ont été jusqu’ici trouvés dans le Bas-Congo. Hélas, s’appuyant sur ces allégations, dont la preuve n’a jamais été fournie au peuple congolais, le pouvoir s’arroge le droit de tuer. En plus, il y a lieu de noter que le Bas-Congo est la plus petite province de la RDCongo et la plus militarisée aussi. Où est donc passée la vigilance de nos vaillants soldats, policiers et services de renseignement pour laisser ainsi s’installer, jusqu’à leur phase active, ces prétendus camps d’entraînement militaire de BDK. Et en lieu et place du démantèlement de ces camps et de cet armement, c’est au démantèlement des lieux de culte que s’acharnent les forces de police.
2. En ce qui concerne le corps mutilé, tout le monde s’accorde pour dire que ce n’est pas dans les habitudes des Bakongo de régler les conflits par la violence. Qu’à cela ne tienne ! Le pouvoir qui a sans doute arrêté les coupables les fera juger et on saura s’il y a des complices.
3. . La nature a horreur du vide, disait Francis Bacon.. Le rapport de la tournée effectuée dernièrement par les Honorables députés Mvuemba et Mpaka dans le Bas-Congo et publié dans le journal La Prospérité n° 1290, du samedi 1 mars 2008, établit clairement les conditions et les modalités dans lesquelles les adeptes de BDK s’arrogent le pouvoir des services publics. Il ressort de ce rapport en effet, que c’est plutôt les services de l’Etat, par leur incompétence, leur irresponsabilité et leur injustice, qui bafouent l’autorité de l’Etat. Et le redressement des excès notés par-ci par-là , dans le chef de la population, ne peut-il pas l’être par les voies administratives et policières ordinaires ?
4. Dans un amalgame, du reste mal orchestré, la haine dont est victime le Mukongo et sa culture, se mue en xénophobie dont les adeptes de BDK seraient les porte-étendards. Il paraît pourtant bizarre que ces gens dont on dit être hostiles aux populations allogènes, n’auraient molesté ou tué que des Bakongo. Il y a lieu de noter ici que JP Bemba et J Kabila ont obtenu plus de voix dans le Bas-Congo que tous les candidats kongo réunis, au premier tour des élections présidentielles, et que l’Assemblée provinciale du Bas-Congo compte, en son sein, deux députés non kongo. Si ceux-ci le sont, comme le prétendent certains compatriotes, par le vote des leurs installés au Bas-Congo, alors de quoi accuse-t-on les Bakongo qui, par ce fait même, auraient raison de se dire être victimes d’une colonisation intérieure et de s’en défendre.
5. Fustiger l’idée de la « Confédération de l’Afrique Centrale » comme l’expression d’une velléité de restauration du Royaume Kongo et de balkanisation de la RDCongo c’est faire preuve de sensiblerie, de misère intellectuelle et de manque de vision politique, surtout de la part de ceux-là même qui, dans le même temps, se font chantres de la CEAC, de la CPGL, de l’UA… et même des Etats-Unis d’Afrique. De quoi s’interroger si en faisant de la RDCongo membre de toutes ces organisations, les dirigeants congolais comprennent bien à quoi ils engagent notre pays.
6. Le BDK porte des revendications partagées par l’ensemble des Bakongo et mêmes par d’autres communautés de la RDCongo et qui se ramènent fondamentalement à l’exigence d’un Etat de droit et de justice pour tous. L’acharnement du pouvoir sur ce mouvement n’y fera rien. Il n’est un secret pour personne que les élections fondatrices de la IIIe République étaient entachées de beaucoup d’irrégularités et de corruption ; que la gestion du pouvoir d’Etat de notre pays de fait de façon discriminatoire comme le témoignent les statistiques de nomination des responsables dans l’armée, les entreprises publiques, le gouvernement, les services secrets et spéciaux… ; que la gestion du pouvoir d’Etat dans notre pays se fait en violation flagrante et récurrente de la constitution ; qu’en privant le Bas-Congo de ses ressources pétrolières et d’autres on le condamne à la stagnation. C’est ici le lieu de noter que l’existence, dans les autres provinces, des maux dénoncés au Bas-Congo ne peut en aucun cas vider ces revendications de leur légitimité.
7. Etant donné que ces revendications rencontrent l’assentiment de tous les Bakongo et même d’autres congolais, des voix se sont toujours élevées pour les soutenir. On peut citer à ce propos, le mémorandum des Enseignants Kongo des Universités et Instituts Supérieurs à Monsieur le Président de la République Démocratique du Congo le 9 septembre 2002, Mémorandum des professeurs Kongo des Universités et Instituts supérieurs de la République Démocratique du Congo à Monsieur Muanda Nsemi, Chef spirituel de Bundu dia Kongo du 3 novembre 2002, Mémo à la bienveillante attention de son Excellence Monsieur le Président de la République Démocratique du Congo : S.D.(document rédigé par le R.Père Matota s.j.), Note à l’intention de son Excellence Monsieur le Président de la République Démocratique du Congo par le Groupe des professeurs Kongo des Universités et instituts supérieurs : le 23 février 2003, Convention des communautés culturelles congolaises : le 17 novembre 2003 (document rédigé par quelques enseignants du supérieurs), Mémorandum des professeurs des universités et instituts supérieurs à la bienveillante attention de son Excellence Monsieur le Président de la République Démocratique du Congo : le 19 juillet 2004, Mémorandum des Enseignants Kongo des Universités et instituts supérieurs à la bienveillante attention de son Excellence Monsieur le Président de la République Démocratique du Congo : le 28 août 2004, Fédéralisme : forme d’Etat appropriée à la République Démocratique du Congo : déclaration des professeurs des universités et instituts supérieurs du Congo : le 7 avril 2005., Déclaration commune des Evêques du Bas-Congo et de l’honorable Ne Muanda Nsemi, sur la situation qui prévaut au Bas-Congo : le 26 février 2008. Après avoir pris connaissance de ces documents, aucune personne sensée ne peut condamner des revendications aussi légitimes. Ceux qui persistent, malgré tout, à se comporter en sophistes pour justifier les exactions du pouvoir sur des populations éplorées, doivent savoir que l’histoire les jugera. En poussant le pouvoir à sévir contre une partie de la population, ils diminuent les chances de la cohésion nationale et, partant, de la construction d’un Etat puissant et prospère.

VI. Notre interpellation

1. Aux adeptes de Bundu dia Kongo
Votre impatience à voir la démocratie s’instaurer réellement dans notre pays et spécialement dans le Bas-Congo vous pousse parfois à commettre des actes répréhensibles, ce qui donne l’occasion aux ennemis du peuple d’assouvir leur haine. Depuis 2002, on assiste à des massacres pour lesquels le pouvoir vous rend responsables à tort ou à raison. En fait, vous êtes tombés dans le piège des gens qui nourrissent des projets machiavéliques à l’égard du peuple. Désormais, essayez d’exprimer vos revendications dans le cadre légal et vous verrez que la vérité finira par éclater au grand jour. Vous devez cesser de servir de boucs émissaires. Vous avez affaire à un pouvoir incapable de restaurer l’autorité de l’Etat là où elle est réellement bafouée. Humilié, il pense redorer son blason en déversant ses forces sur des populations non armées et faire croire à l’efficacité de l’Etat. « A vaincre sans péril, on triomphe sans gloire », dit-on. Le peuple qui n’est pas dupe parle sous cape. Malheureusement, on n’a pas la culture des sondages en République Démocratique du Congo car l’opinion populaire édifierait sans doute le pouvoir congolais.

2. Aux responsables de l’Exécutif provincial.
Votre attitude pendant le massacre de la population que vous êtes censés protéger étonne tout le monde, sauf évidemment ceux à qui vous obéissez aveuglement comme des satrapes. Vous ne savez que faire de l’autonomie que vous accorde la constitution de la République Démocratique du Congo. Comment ne pouviez-vous pas régler le problème de Bundu dia Kongo par le dialogue. En livrant une population innocente en pâture à des soldats assoiffés de sang et prompts à piller et à détruire, vous avez privilégié vos intérêts personnels et ceux de vos amis politiques. Votre attitude nous pousse à douter de vous. Notre déception est d’autant plus grande que vous êtes vous-mêmes des intellectuels, c’est-à-dire des gens sur qui le peuple fonde son espoir pour sa sécurité et son développement. Qu’allez-vous faire maintenant que le peuple se sent trahi par vous ? Feriez-vous amande honorable en vous excusant publiquement ou persisteriez-vous dans l’erreur, dans la répression ? Vous vous êtes rendu indignes de votre peuple. Quoi que vous fassiez, quoi que vous disiez, vous portez le sang de vos frères et sœurs massacrés à Luozi, Nseke-Mbanza, Matadi, Kisantu etc. sur vos têtes.

3. Aux Bakongo
Il y a, parmi vous, des gens qui se complaisent dans la sale besogne de délateurs pour quelques prébendes. En oubliant l’idéal de liberté et d’attachement aux valeurs ancestrales, ils ne sont pas dignes de la mémoire de nos illustres ancêtres : Vita Nkanga, Kimpa Vita, Paul Panda, Simon Kimbangu, Simon Toko, André Matsoua, Edmond Nzeza Nlandu, Daniel Kanza, Joseph Kasa Vubu, Bikebi etc.. Ne vous laissez pas intimider par le discours comminatoire des laudateurs du pouvoir qui tentent de vous attribuer des sentiments qui n’ont jamais été les vôtres. Ils disent que vous êtes tribalistes, xénophobes, séparatistes alors qu’ils savent parfaitement que le Bas-Congo n’a jamais fait sécession et qu’il n’a jamais accepté une rébellion sur son sol. En outre, il n’y a pas de provinces qui accueillent autant des populations allogènes que le Bas-Congo. Nous savons que le pouvoir fait au Bas-Congo ce qu’il n’ose pas faire ailleurs. Toutes ses injustices sont connues et nous continuerons à les dénoncer comme nous l’avons toujours fait, c’est-à-dire par des pétitions et le peuple Kongo doit redoubler de vigilance pour savoir qui défend réellement ses intérêts. Ne vous enfermez pas dans le désespoir et l’amertume. Ne vous recroquevillez pas et sachez qu’il existe au sein et en dehors du Bas-Congo des gens qui ont compris la pertinence de votre combat pour la liberté et la justice. Que vous soyez du pouvoir ou de l’opposition, vous êtes avant tout Kongo. Et à ce titre, vous êtes tous embarqués sur un même bateau et votre sort est lié. Qu’on se rappelle de l’holocauste juif !

4. Aux compatriotes congolais.
Lés régimes dictatoriaux divisent les gens pour les dominer. La 2e République a opposé les frères et sœurs de même ethnie et surtout les gens d’ethnies différentes tout en clamant qu’elle travaillait pour l’unité nationale.
Aujourd’hui, l’histoire se répète. Le pouvoir tente de diviser les Bakongo en faisant croire qu’il existe, entre eux, un conflit de nature religieuse alors que l’esprit irénique a toujours régné au Bas-Congo. Il tente également d’isoler les Bakongo de leurs compatriotes d’autres provinces en les présentant comme des gens hostiles aux non-originaires. C’est ainsi que le pouvoir entend distraire les congolais pour qu’ils ferment les yeux sur les injustices et deviennent les complices d’une dictature en voie de consolidation.

Il faut savoir que l’instauration d’une dictature n’est pas l’affaire d’une seule personne. La responsabilité est partagée par chacun des citoyens d’un pays par sa passivité, sa lâcheté, son silence devant les injustices, les exactions commises par le pouvoir. La conférence que les Bakongo réclament ne concerne pas qu’eux. Leurs intérêts rencontrent mutatis mutandis ceux de tous les citoyens de ce pays. Posez-vous la question de savoir pourquoi notre pays est toujours en crise depuis 1960 alors que certains pays qui étaient moins développés que le nôtre sont aujourd’hui en train de sortir du sous-développement. Entre-temps plusieurs forums ont été organisés pour juguler la crise congolaise mais elle est toujours là. Cela veut dire que le diagnostic n’a jamais été bien posé ou alors on n’a pas appliqué le bon remède. Nous connaissons l’origine du mal congolais et nous croyons détenir la solution. C’est pourquoi nous tenons à cette conférence pour en parler. En refusant l’organisation de cette conférence, le pouvoir veut éviter un déballage qui l’éclabousserait en révélant son vrai visage à l’opinion nationale et internationale. Suivre le point de vue du pouvoir, c’est vouloir prolonger la crise congolaise.

5. A la communauté internationale
Nous n’avons cessé de dire que ce qui se passe dans le Bas-Congo, procède d’une haine et d’un mépris du Mukongo par le pouvoir. Un génocide rampant s’y déroule. Et la communauté internationale ne devrait pas s’en disculper demain si elle s’en tient aujourd’hui au discours officiel sur les tueries récurrentes qui endeuillent notre province depuis 2002. Le monde s’émeut aujourd’hui de l’holocauste juif, du génocide arménien, serbe… et plus récemment, tusti. Un autre s’accomplit au Bas-Congo et dont Bundu dia Kongo sert de prétexte et d’alibi.

CONCLUSION

Cette expédition punitive dans le Bas-Congo confirme une fois de plus, outre la dérive dictatoriale du régime en place que d’aucuns avaient prédite eu égard à la manière dont les élections avaient été organisées, sa soif de vengeance annoncée par quelques indiscrétions à la suite de résultats médiocres obtenus par Joseph Kabila dans le Bas-Congo. Ainsi, au lieu de créer un climat de paix et de concorde nationale favorisant la promotion de la démocratie, le pouvoir recourt à l’utilisation des méthodes répressives qu’on croyait enterrés avec la 2e République et a une gestion romantique du pays. On se demande alors en quoi le nouveau régime constitue-t-il une rupture par rapport au précédent.

La destruction des vies humaines et des biens matériels ne peut pas être expliquée par la bavure policière comme on a coutume de le dire dans de telles circonstances. Il s’agit bel et bien d’une action préméditée contre les Bakongo, Bundu dia Kongo, n’a fait que fournir l’occasion rêvée pour soumettre le Bas-Congo à l’arbitraire des affairistes au pouvoir. Car la motivation profonde, c’est de faire main basse sur les recettes de cette province qui est comme on le sait, la vache à lait de la République Démocratique du Congo ou plutôt des affairistes au pouvoir.

Les massacres des victimes innocentes notamment des enfants lâchement abattus sous le regard des parents laissent complètement indifférents les tenants du pouvoir et leurs thuriféraires qui parcourent les médias pour justifier ces crimes, quand bien même la communauté internationale les condamne. De plus, ils ne se départissent pas des propos comminatoires, ce qui veut dire qu’ils sont prêts à recommencer. Ils ont même poussé le cynisme jusqu’à organiser un conseil des Ministres au chef-lieu de la province meurtrie pour intimider les populations et non pour les sécuriser. On peut comprendre alors que la thèse d’un complot contre les Bakongo n’est pas une vue de l’esprit. Ces tueries à répétition ressemblent bien à un génocide rampant dont il faut vite identifier les vrais instigateurs avant qu’il ne soit trop tard. Il ne faut pas attendre l’holocauste pour se rendre à l’évidence. Les Bakongo sont prévenus, mais aussi les autres Congolais, car on ne sait pas qui seront les prochaines victimes de la violence barbare du pouvoir.

Devant tant des morts à répétition, le pouvoir n’a exprimé aucun regret. Au contraire il continue à criminaliser ses victimes sans pour autant prouver leur responsabilité dans les forfaits qui leur sont imputés. Il est illusoire de croire que l’arrestation de Ne Muanda Nsemi et l’interdiction de Bundu dia Kongo, devenus le lieu commun de la réflexion des états-majors de la majorité au pouvoir dans la résolution de la crise au Bas-Congo, mettraient un terme à celle-ci. Sans une réponse satisfaisante aux revendications qui ne sont pas seulement celles de Bundu dia Kongo mais de toute la province et même de la majorité du pays, les gens ne se sentiront jamais sécurisés. Car au-delà des écarts de langage ou de comportement que l’on peut observer chez tel ou tel adepte de BDK et même chez tel ou tel Mukongo, les Bakongo, par le BDK, posent une fois de plus des questions fondamentales qui requièrent des réponses fondamentales et non épidermiques du genre des carnages récurrents perpétrés dans la province. Les Bakongo posent en fait une question fondamentale, à savoir : peut-on bâtir l’unité nationale, la démocratie et le développement dans notre pays sur la corruption, l’injustice, le mensonge et la discrimination ? c’est dommage que, comme à l’indépendance, face à cette question de fond, les Bakongo ne peuvent bénéficier d’un véritable soutien des autres communautés nationales. Traités d’illuminés et de prétentieux, lorsqu’ils posèrent la question de l’indépendance, les Bakongo découvrent encore à leurs dépens, 49 ans après, qu’ils sont en avance par rapport à beaucoup de leurs compatriotes. Et pourtant ils ne réclament aujourd’hui que l’application stricte de la Constitution du pays.

Unis par le sort, les congolais doivent construire et consolider cette unité dans l’effort de bâtir la liberté et la justice pour tous. C’est cela notre combat, il n’ y a pas un autre.

Si le Bas-Congo doit faire sécession, il le fera, si et seulement l’injustice, la prédation de ses richesse, et la discrimination se consolident en mode de gestion du pays. Et par rapport à cela, le pouvoir actuel constitue un cheval de Troie vis-à-vis duquel les congolais doivent se départir du discours creux, pour le juger et le soutenir aux actes. L’ennemi de l’unité nationale, le liquidateur de l’Etat congolais, ce n’est sûrement pas le Bundu dia Kongo, ni les Bakongo, mais ces dirigeants affairistes qui bradent les intérêts nationaux et banalisent, sans état d’âme, la vie des Congolais à l’autel des intérêts personnels et partisans.

C’est pourquoi il est impérieux d’organiser une conférence dont l’objet portera sur l’ensemble des revendications. L’opinion nationale et internationale a le droit de savoir la vérité sur ce qui se passe au Bas-Congo avant de prendre position. En outre, nous exigeons une commission d’enquête internationale afin d’établir clairement les responsabilités et de juger, de manière équitable, tous les coupables de quelque bord qu’ils soient. Après la condamnation des coupables, les familles des victimes devraient être indemnisées. Ce que le pouvoir fait maintenant ressemble à une fuite en avant dont on ne peut prévoir les conséquences. Nous estimons qu’il est opportun que le Tribunal Pénal International diligente une enquête sur ces massacres récurrents. Car il n’est pas normal que la communauté internationale reste indifférente face à ces violations permanentes des droits de l’homme. Attend-elle un holocauste pour réagir ?

Mbongi A Nsi #3

Click these links for issue #3 of Mbongi a Nsi (each file ca. 3.5MB):

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Lynchburg, Ota Benga, and the Empowerment of the Pygmies: an International Conference, October 25 – 27, 2007, Lynchburg, VA.

The program for the conference can be found at http://vul.edu/events_otabenga.html.

The theme of the conference revolves around Ota Benga, a Pygmy who was brought to America, by explorer/missionary Samuel Phillips Verner to be part of an exhibit at the 1904 St. Louis World’s Fair. When the World’s Fair closed Ota Benga returned to the Congo where he helped Verner collect plants and specimens that Verner hoped to sell to the Museum of Natural history in New York. Upon their return to the U.S., the Museum was not able to pay them for the artifacts. Running out of funds, Verner left Ota Benga at the Museum where he lived for a period of time until he was taken to the Bronx Zoo. There, Mr. William Temple Hornaday, director of the zoo, exhibited Ota Benga in a cage with chimpanzees. The exhibit attracted crowds of visitors and was well documented in the New York newspapers of the time. A group of black ministers, incensed at this outrage, managed to get him released in their custody. He was taken to live in an orphanage in New York but later was able to persuade them to take him to the Virginia Seminary and College in Lynchburg (now VUL). He lived in the President’s house and took classes at the school. He also worked in a tobacco factory and did odd jobs. However, growing despondent because he was not able to secure funds to return to Africa, he shot himself in the heart, on the Spring Equinox, 1916. He is buried in Lynchburg in an unmarked grave.

Through Ota Benga’s compelling life story the Conference will provide an open environment for discussion on issues of past exploitation of vulnerable human populations and the resulting present day effects.

Topics include Western intervention and occupation of Africa in the late nineteenth century, the impact of American Missionaries on Africa and the current situation of the Pygmies in the Congo

By bringing together humanities scholars from throughout the U.S., indigenous people from the Congo, foreign embassy personnel, students and the general public the Conference will examine these issues from different cultural perspectives.

The conference is sponsored by the Virginia University of Lynchburg, in conjunction with Lynchburg College, Randolph College, Sweet Briar College, the African Congress of the Pygmies, and Amazement Square Children’s Museum.

Major funding for the conference is provided by the Virginia Foundation for the Humanities as part of the We the People initiative of the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the Dolan Fund for Peace and Justice.

BBC reports: Pygmy artists housed in Congo zoo

Recently, the BBC posted a horrific story of the abuse of pygmies in Congo-Brazzaville. It recalls nothing so much as the imprisonment of Ota Benga in the Bronx Zoo, where this photo was taken by the Wildlife Conservation Society in 1906.
Ota Benga in the monkey enclosure at the Bronx Zoo 1906

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6898241.stm

Pygmy artists housed in Congo zoo

image of pygmy family and tent

Human rights activists have criticised the organisers of a music festival in the Republic of Congo for housing pygmy musicians in a tent at a zoo.

Other artists at the Festival of Pan-African Music (Fespam) are staying in hotels in the capital, Brazzaville.

The organisers say the grounds of Brazzaville zoo are closer to the pygmies’ natural habitat.

But the pygmy musicians say they had expected to be housed properly while staying in the city.

The Baka pygmy musicians, from the far north of the country, were one of the highlights at the opening ceremony of Fespam on Sunday.

It is the fifth year they have performed at the festival and previously they have been treated the same as other guests.

But this year the group of 20, including 10 women and a three-month-old baby, were given one tent to share in the city’s zoo.

A spokeswoman for Fespam said the decision was made in consultation with the Forestry Ministry, so that the pygmies would not be cut off from their “natural environment”.

But the group themselves are not happy.

Activists say the pygmies are being treated like zoo exhibits

“It’s not good for men, women and children to all be in this one tent. We need some space,” dancer and musician David Motambo told the BBC.

“We can’t live here where there are so many mosquitoes. Here in the city we can’t stay in the forest.”

Roger Bouka Owoko from the Congolese Observatory of Human Rights said the pygmies were having to collect firewood in the zoo to cook their food, and were being stared at and filmed by tourists and passers-by.

A BBC correspondent says indigenous forest communities are among the most marginalised groups in Africa and are regularly regarded by their neighbours as less than human.

“It’s clear that it’s a situation like we saw in earlier centuries, where people put pygmies in zoos to dance or to create a spectacle. They were treated the same as zoo animals and I think that we have a similar situation today,” said Mr Owoko.

Government officials say they are seeking to have the group relocated to a hotel.

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Director : Michael Bay.
Writer : Steven S. DeKnight, Robert Kirkman, Matt Holloway, Art Marcum, Michael Bay, Steven Spielberg, Jeff Pinkner, Zak Penn, Christina Hodson, Lindsey Beer.
Producer : Ian Bryce, Akiva Goldsman, Steven Spielberg, Lorenzo di Bonaventura, Don Murphy.
Release : June 21, 2017
Country : United States of America.
Production Company : Paramount Pictures, Universal Pictures, Hasbro Studios.
Language : English.
Runtime : 149
Genre : Action, Science Fiction, Thriller, Adventure.

Movie ‘Transformers: The Last Knight’ was released in June 21, 2017 in genre Action. Michael Bay was directed this movie and starring by Mark Wahlberg. This movie tell story about Autobots and Decepticons are at war, with humans on the sidelines. Optimus Prime is gone. The key to saving our future lies buried in the secrets of the past, in the hidden history of Transformers on Earth.

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