From Cité Soleil to Durban

From Cité Soleil (Haiti) to Durban (South Africa)
…where Freedom Day is now being seen as Unfreedom Day

April 30-May 4th 2008.

This is a brief report from a visit to Durban, specifically to see for oneself places like Kennedy Road, Motala Heights, to meet with people like S’bu Zikode and Shamita Naidoo whose words continue to impact us in a way which is still generating new thinking. We were on our way to meet people who can be described as the staunchest defenders of the poor, and, by extension, of humanity.

Driving with Pauline from Maputo to Durban reminded her of her native lands in the Caribbean: sugar plantation after sugar plantation. However, for her, that was the 50s. Now, this was 2008, in the Province of Kwazulu-Natal, where Jacob Zuma, the newly elected President of the ANC, comes from. To always connecting the dots, it is worth remembering, for those who do not know, that President Jean Bertrand Aristide presented a thesis in linguistics at the University of South Africa (Unisa) comparing Isizulu and Creol. I am still reading the thesis, which can be found on line and downloaded. It was presented in November 2006. I hope and pray that President JBA does get invited/encouraged to visit the place where so many Haitians originally came from: DRC. We could then look forward to another comparative thesis on Kikongo and Creol and another step in the process of reconnecting those who should never ever been separated from each other.

Thanks to Richard Pithouse, we were able to meet a few of those who constitute the heart of Abahlali baseMjondolo (AbM), including Shamita Naidoo at Motala Heights and S’bu Zikode at Kennedy Road. Besides wanting to see the faces behind the names we had heard, we wanted to understand how people like S’Bu Zikode and his companions had attracted such wrath from Durban City officialdom in general, and from the Superintendent of Police Nayager, in particular. We wanted to understand how in the country where apartheid was defeated, some of its practices are still alive and well.

Here were people who, living among the poorest of the poor, stand up and insist on being treated with respect and dignity, as called for by the South African Constitution—but who, strangely, were being charged, beaten up and arrested by the police as though they were criminals. How could a police force, under the political leadership of the ANC, behave in a way that is reminiscent of the apartheid police?

This question could be formulated differently, and maybe, more generically, in a region and in a world where such drastic turns are no longer the exception: How do good people or, more precisely, people who could have become heroes/heroines of Goodness/Love take a wrong turn somewhere? Some may not like the leap, but visiting places like AbM could help understand how a Mugabe, in Zimbabwe, became what he is today—i.e., someone who has turned against his own people. Is it that easy to loose one’s moral compass?

In a world where governments are stating their objectives of wiping out all forms and degrees of poverty, from extreme to mild, from endemic to periodic, one might be forgiven for thinking that the poor themselves would be the most important allies in such a project. Unfortunately, not so when one listens to AbM. Instead what one hears and what one sees leads one to a frightening conclusion. That is: how something akin to ethnic cleansing emerges, against defenseless people. The average person might balk at such an assertion. After all, cleansing has been more easily associated with genocidal behavior against another ethnic group. Some might find it offensive and out of line to suggest that an ANC government could be accused of ethnic cleansing against the poorest of its citizens. Is it not better to think of the most outrageous hypothesis so that those who are currently responsible for its probable outcome might pause, pull back and change course?

What would it take to stop the violence against the poorest of the poor (pop)?

One possible explanation for the extreme hatred shown by Superintendent of Police Nayager can be understood easily in the context of the soon-to-be held World Cup Soccer in South Africa in 2010. FIFA (Fédération Internationale de Football Association) may not have stipulated that all efforts must be exerted to keep any and all signs of extreme poverty out of sight, but the message comes through and South Africa is doing everything to hide away the offending communities. It is not difficult to understand the reasoning behind this: people who come to be entertained by the Soccer extravaganza must not be allowed to be disturbed by the sight of shacks. Such a sight could lead some of the visiting entertainees, not to speak of the performers themselves, to ask themselves about the appropriateness of spending such huge amounts of money when significant segments of the local citizenry do not have access to adequate housing and amenities such as water and electricity.

2010 being just around the corner, South African officialdom, at least some of them, are implementing the most radical option in keeping poverty and the poor out of sight: removing the poor from the landscapes which could be in the visitors’ line of vision. In the process, these poverty/ethnic cleansers have affirmed, in various and modulated ways, that the poor are not worth listening to, that their voices do not count.

In a country where the lethal combination of racism and competition has left a legacy of gross injustice, is it too late to suggest that those who were trampled upon should be listened to with the greatest care possible? Is it too late to suggest that while the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was a step in the right direction, it was bound to fall too short of the task at hand? Is it too late to suggest that those who understand their profession as that of repressing, oppressing and beating up, should be retrained to listen attentively, and, wherever possible with compassion, to the poor? Surely it is not too late to suggest that as long as the poor are not free from the consequences of apartheid, no one is free. In parenthesis, that is why on Freedom Day, the people at Kennedy Road marched to remind the South African Nation that, for them, this was Unfreedom Day.

It will be awhile before I digest all of the words from S’Bu Zikode and his companions, but there is a phrase I shall never forget: “We do not want money”. This is the crux of the matter. In a world driven by the profit motive, competition, greed, selfishness, S’bu reminded those who would listen that they are not interested in what the self-appointed discoverers of poverty would like to eliminate via charitable gestures. They want to be treated with respect, justice and dignity. In those cases where the law is broken—e.g., trying to get food, water and/or electricit—they are saying to the government, “Look at our situation. It is an unacceptable one to any self-respecting human being.” Is such a demand so outrageous that it has to be met with the unleashing of extreme violence? Is such a demand so unreasonable that it cannot even be listened to?

When so much still remained to be said, we asked S’bu Zikode, “What is the way out?” “Healing,” he said. Needless to say, given the Ota Benga Alliance’s motto—for peace healing and dignity—a very long exchange followed. In a post-apartheid South Africa, in a South Africa where the TRC had raised such expectations and led to such disappointments, is it too late to listen to those who articulate the spirit of reconciliation with the conviction of a Mandela or a Tutu? People like Nayager, Sutcliffe, Govender and many others who share their understanding—misunderstanding, really—of the poor, surely are in deep need of healing, because in their minds the poor are not worth anything.

Is it too late, in the name of humanity, to slow down the race to join in globalization, the race to be part of the first world, with the collateral damage of maiming, torturing, killing those who are not strong enough to keep pace? It is our hope that the voices of S’Bu, Shamita, and their growing supporters, such as Bishop Rubin Philipp, will re-energize, re-awaken the flagging spirits of those who had a different vision of post-apartheid South Africa, one which was more in line with the prescriptions being enunciated with such clarity from the favelas of South America and many other parts of the world. Those voices are refusing to accept the transition which has taken South Africans, poor and rich, from the end of apartheid in South Africa to global apartheid.

Seeing the citizens of Kennedy Road and of Motala Heights reminded us of their brothers and sisters in Haiti, in Brasil, India, and cities all over the world whose only prescription is to be listened to with respect and justice as human beings. As they keep repeating over and over: they do not want charity, they want solidarity. They do not want to be treated as a humanitarian issue, they want to be treated as human beings. To them we say thank you for being strong, thank you for reminding us of our common humanity, thank you for your courage and serenity.

May 14, 2008

Aimé Césaire, Bien Aimé de l’Humanité,

Aimé Césaire, Bien Aimé de l’Humanité,
Mal Aimé des dirigeants politiques de l’Afrique

Après avoir parlé haut, fort, inlassablement pour l’émancipation de l’humanité, Aimé Césaire s’est éteint sans pouvoir être témoin de ce qu’il était en droit d’espérer après avoir tant essayé de guérir de ce qu’il avait décrit de mille et une façons, et que ses vers suivant (extrait du Calendrier Lagunaire dans Moi, Laminaire, 1982) résument admirablement:

J’habite une blessure sacrée
J’habite des ancêtres imaginaires
J’habite un vouloir obscur

En ces 3 petites lignes notre Bien Aimé Césaire
respirait, inspirait et expirait mieux que quiconque, son rapport à une souffrance présente, passée et future.

A peine commencé son voyage pour rejoindre ses « ancêtres imaginaires », l’Africain « Fondamental/Vertical » a dû se sentir un brin amer en constatant que les leaders politiques de l’Afrique brillaient par leur absence alors que l’auto-proclamé professeur d’histoire Africaine, Sarkozy, avait senti la singularité de l’homme et du moment.

Face à ce constat, il est difficile de ne pas se demander ce qu’aurait dû faire Césaire pour ne pas être le Mal Aimé de ceux qui sont à la tête de l’Afrique d’aujourd’hui ? Vu l’histoire de notre Continent, et la manière dont les voix les plus prophétiques sont trop souvent maltraitées, serait-il que Césaire aurait été trop radical, pas assez, trop poète, pas assez, trop philosophe, pas assez ? Trop vrai, trop fidèle à une histoire et à une humanité qui continuent d’être violées ?

Il est permis d’imaginer qu’il a dû se sentir, comme tant d’autres avant lui, de Toussaint L’Ouverture (dont il a écrit une biographie) à Thomas Sankara, Samora Machel, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, en passant par Frantz Fanon (Martiniquais aussi) e Patrice Lumumba (théâtralisé à travers Une Saison au Congo). Tous des héros déclarés, mais, parfois et/ou trop souvent, seulement du bout des lèvres, surtout en Afrique. Presque comme si, dans cette blessure sacrée qu’est l’histoire Africaine, la peur et la honte entravaient la volonté de guérir la blessure. Ingrédients qu’on retrouve parmi ceux qui ont subi la même séquence génocidaire, tels les Nègres des Amériques et des Caraïbes.

La peur et la honte ne sont pas seulement l’apanage de ceux qui furent victimes de séquences génocidaires. La combinaison se retrouve du côté de ceux qui craignent que les victimes, tôt ou tard, se rendent compte de l’immensité des crimes qui furent commis pour mettre sur pied le système aujourd’hui communément connu sous le nom de globalisation. En dehors de la globalisation, nous disent-ils, point de salut. Plus rapide sera la fuite en avant qu’est la globalisation, plus rapide aussi sera l’effaçage de la mémoire collective des crimes contre l’humanité. Lors de la Conférence de L’ONU contre le Racisme et l’Intolérance tenu en Afrique du Sud en août/septembre 2001 on a pu voir comment la peur et la honte de reconnaître ces crimes amena les grands de ce monde à tout faire pour saborder la Conférence.

Parmi les vautours il y en a qui ont appelé à l’installation des restes de notre Bien Aimé au Panthéon de Paris, sous le même toit que le sarcophage de Napoléon, celui qui tenta, vainement, de restaurer l’esclavage à Haiti. Là aussi, malgré les bons sentiments affichés, il est difficile de ne pas y avoir une autre fuite en avant visant à montrer, mine de rien, que la grandeur de Césaire est telle que seul le Panthéon peut être à la hauteur de sa sépulture. Une autre façon de dire que l’histoire de l’Afrique ne peut valoir à l’aune de l’humanité que si elle est découverte par l’Europe des Lumières.

Le grand départ de notre Bien Aimé rappelle d’autres départs d’un Continent qui continue d’être saigné de ses forces les plus vives, humaines, naturelles, minérales. Jusqu’à quand les dirigeants politiques du continent continueront à profaner la blessure en la traitant comme un fait divers ? Pire, en prétendant qu’elle n’a jamais existé, qu’elle n’a jamais fait mal à personne.

Cette blessure sacrée doit-elle s’éternisée ?

L’histoire de la blessure est bien connue, on pourrait même presque dire mieux connue par ceux qui l’ont infligée que par ceux qui l’ont subie, du moins à voir le comportement de ces derniers. Ce comportement n’est pas si difficile à comprendre si l’on sait, et nous le savons, rappelons-nous la mort de certains de nos héros (Kimpa Vita, Lumumba, Sankara, etc.), que la blessure reste ouverte parce qu’elle ne fut possible qu’avec l’assistance de ceux-là mêmes qui ont failli dans le devoir de protéger l’humanité. Pour preuve, la France, sous Chirac n’a-t-elle pas déclaré l’esclavage un Crime contre l’Humanité ? Le même Chirac, cette fois allié avec Bush et d’autres, s’est rebiffé quand le Haiti, de Toussaint à Aristide a suivi le pas en exigeant la restitution de l’amende imposée contre les Africains qui s’étaient libéré de l’esclavage. L’exil d’Aristide, se terminera-t-il comme celui de Toussaint ? Tout simplement parce que les puissances qui n’ont jamais aimé l’Afrique que pour et par ce qui les enrichissaient insistent qu’il n’y a que leur manière d’aimer qui compte. On peut supposer que c’est pour avoir vu à travers cette mystification que Césaire notre Bien Aimé s’est retrouvé, comme beaucoup d’autres moins bien connu, Le Mal Aimé de ceux qui préfèrent être au service de ce qui les enrichit que de servir l’humanité.

A entendre la multiple voix de notre Bien Aimé c’est comme si on entendait les voix de ceux qui furent arrachés, terrorisés, vendus, embarqués, sans que ceux-là dont ils avaient l’habitude de recevoir soutien, appui et réconfort fassent le moindre effort ou, pire, versent la moindre larme. C’est cette rupture, cet écorchage à vif, vécu dans un climat de terreur que Césaire appelle la blessure sacrée, mais qui, dans la littérature/histoire de ceux qui en ont le plus profité sera traitée comme une petite égratignure. Ajoutant, en guise d’excuse ( ?) que sans l’œuf cassé, l’omelette (le capitalisme) n’aurait pu être savourée. Ce discours est constamment remis à jour en disant qu’il faut cesser de se plaindre (mettre fin à la victimologie). Cela, ils n’oseraient pas le dire aux rescapés des camps de concentration de la deuxième Guerre Mondiale.

Il y a eu des tentatives, parfois héroïques, individuelles et collectives, de guérir. Il faudra des volumes pour en compter l’histoire de tous ceux qui, comme lui, ont vécu, résisté en fidèles de l’humanité. Aux massacreurs de l’humanité, ils ne cessaient de dire : en nous tuant, vous vous tuez, en nous torturant, vous vous torturez, en nous tuant, vous tuez notre humanité à tous. Parfois, cela dépendait des contextes, ceux et celles qui l’ont fait avec le plus d’intransigeance ont été éliminés avec le plus de férocité et le plus de rage comme ce fut le cas pour Lumumba. Trop souvent, le seul fait d’être noir pouvait, dans certaines zones de cette Planète de plus en plus profanée, conduire à des lynchages les plus terribles que l’humain puisse imaginer, comme, par exemple, ceux de femmes enceintes, tuées littéralement à petit feu.

La flamme de l’émancipation brûle depuis les débuts de l’Humanité. Notre Bien Aimé Césaire en a fait une lame de fond, une flamme inextinguible, éternelle, immortelle comme l’Humanité qui l’a animé toute sa vie. Il nous reste, vis-à-vis de notre Bien Aimé Césaire, un serment sacré : maintenir, avec la même simplicité, le même courage, le même amour, la volonté obscure de fidélité patiente et persistante à cette humanité commune. Au nom de notre Bien Aimé Césaire, nous poursuivrons ses efforts de guérison de la blessure. Elle est sacrée parce qu’elle ne s’oublie pas. Ne pas l’oublier ne veut pas dire interdiction de guérir.

JD
Maputo, le 26 avril 2008

Wamba dia Wamba Is Assassination Target

For Immediate Release: May 5, 2008

Berkeley, Ca.—Within the context of an elusive peace in the eastern part of the D R Congo and an ongoing assault by the government against the fundamental rights of the people of the Lower Congo Region, it has come to our attention that Professor Ernest Wamba dia Wamba and the Honorable Deputy Kiakwama have been targeted for assassination. We do know that both individuals have been active in defending the rights of the people of the Lower Congo to express themselves freely. They, like many other Congolese from other regions of the country, have condemned the wanton violence of government police forces against members of the Bundu dia Kongo, a movement for the cultural and spiritual emancipation of the Congo people. They have condemned the manner in which, since February 2008, brutal repression led to the death of innocent people, including infants and older people. BdK is working to find a way for all sides to come together, so that a healing process can be initiated.

If the information regarding the threats against the lives of Professor Wamba dia Wamba and Deputy Kiakwama is correct, we call on all those in the government who are directly and indirectly responsible for the maintenance of safety and peace for all Congolese citizens to do everything in their power to prevent the execution of such a plan.

Should the above threat against the lives of Prof Ernest Wamba dia Wamba and Honorable Kiakwama actually take place, we shall hold the government of the DRC responsible and accountable, and do all that is necessary to ensure that the institutions and/or individuals are brought to justice.

Ota Benga Alliance for Peace, Healing and Dignity
Berkeley, 5 May 2008